Anarchism and Radical Governments

Anarchism is more influential and wide-spread than at any time in the last 70 years. And the movement continues to grow and develop. This does not necessarily mean that we will become the predominate tendency. Even during anarchism's previous zenith – the years immediately after World War One – we had to share the stage with other socialist currents. The most important and far-reaching anarchist movement – that of Spain in 1936 – saw the formation of a united front involving the CNT-FAI, the left-communist POUM and rank and file militants of the Socialist trade unions.



It is safe to claim that social change – let alone social revolution – will involve a number of different tendencies, of which anarchism will be one, and not always the predominant one. Anarchists will work together with the other tendencies which promote self-government and self-management, in essence, all tendencies that in some manner or other support the popular struggle. This notion is not a controversial issue among us. We are already working along side other tendencies in the environmental, peace, anti-fascist and anti-capitalist movements.



The problem comes for anarchists when the pressure of social movements gives rise to populist, democratic socialist or “revolutionary” governments. Examples of these are to found in Bolivia, Venezuela and Ecuador. How do we , as resolute anti-statists, relate to governments, which in some manner, reflect and act according to the needs and desires of the social movements and the working population? How we react to these situations can be fraught with danger to our movement.



In the past, anarchists have reacted in two opposing and erroneous ways. One might be called “liquidationalism”. Here anarchists give up their distinct program and dissolve themselves into the governing “revolutionary” tendency. During the Russian Revolution, thousands of anarchists joined the Bolsheviks or formed-Bolshevik inspired organizations in their respective nations. Needless to say, the Bolsheviks did not enact our program! After The 26 July Movement made its turn toward the Communist Party, and Cuban anarchists were suppressed, many anarchists outside Cuba tended to ignore the plight of their comrades out of solidarity with the Cuban Revolution. Liquidationalism means giving up on anarchism entirely, in exchange for a bit of social progress, and sometimes not even that.



I think that liquidationalism comes about through anarchist weakness. There had been few attempts at anarchist revolution prior to 1917, and anarchism had “growing pains.” Bolshevism seemed to show the way. The early 1960's were the nadir of the anarchist movement and a lot of anarchists looked for anything to be optimistic about, and Cuba seemed to fit the bill. Since anarchism today is a growing force, I do not see liquidationalism as a major problem, though, of course, one never knows for sure.



Sectarianism is the other error. Surprise, surprise, democratic socialists and populists are not anarchists! We cannot expect them to carry out our program, but we can expect them to carry out the aspects of their own program that help the populace. If they do this, should they be condemned as enemies as evil as the corporatists and oligarchs? What do the people think when anarchists damn these reformers ? Sectarianism separates anarchists from the mass of the populace, who cannot understand why erstwhile revolutionaries are condemning the very actions which are improving their lives. What is even worse, is when sectarianism leads to propaganda imitating the reactionaries. According to the sectarian, the glass is never half-full, it is always empty. Should reaction triumph, the sectarians will be tortured and killed along with the other tendencies, and their sectarianism will remain as a bitter taste in the mouths of a defeated people. (1)



This is most particularly the case in Latin America where the mobilization of the populace immediately leads to polarization between the masses and the oligarchy and its supporters. If the oligarchy gains the upper hand in this struggle the result is the suppression of popular movements, torture and massacre. To think that one can stand aside during this polarization, or that it is "only a struggle between bourgeois factions and doesn't concern us" is to live in a dream world.



One cause of sectarianism is fetishizing the alleged or actual lessons of the past. The Bolsheviks turned on their anarchist allies, so too, Fidel Castro. Wherever Stalinism took over, anarchists and other radical tendencies were eliminated. From this tragic history comes an unspoken view that any revolution or government led by Marxists, real or alleged, will end up following this pattern. But history does change not merely repeating itself like a rubber stamp. Stalinism is not some Platonic Form, hovering in the cosmos, just waiting to manifest at the first outbreak of revolutionary change.



The alternatives to Stalinism – Trotskyism, democratic socialism and anarchism – were too weak in the 1940's and 50's. Stalinism was hegemonic at this time. But

people learn what works and what doesn't. What was once seen as a viable model for revolutionary change – the one party state plus nationalization of productive wealth – is no longer seen as an answer. It does not create the sort of society that anyone wants.



The movement away from the hegemony of the Stalinist model began in the late 1960's. The Unidad Popular government of Chile attempted to create socialism, through a democratic process. The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua did not go in a Stalinist direction. Rather than suppressing all tendencies but their own, they favored a multi-tendency democracy – even for the right-wing, a kindness that was not acknowledged.



What then should anarchists do in the face of new revolutionary or progressive regimes that work to some measure in the interest of the population? First off; Our loyalty is to the people, not the government – or any government. If the people support a progressive government it is because that government is responding to their wishes. A direct frontal attack on such a government – until it truly begins to work against its supporters – is futile and creates a wedge between us and the people.



We should remain non-committal, as long as the government somehow acts in the popular interest. When it deviates from that path, we criticize. But there is also a way of criticizing that is not off-putting to the people. That method is one of positive re-enforcement. To never cease bringing up the need for direct democracy and self-management. If the progressive government is reticent to go beyond words, our unending needling on these points will be a powerful criticism, yet will not be seen as a negative attack. Our goal should be to push the progressive government, from below, to either the breaking point where it exposes its reactionary other face, or to where it begins to dissolve itself into popular power. And if this process cannot be pushed to its libertarian fulfillment, we must win a strong base among the people, in the unions, neighborhoods and social organizations, to defend our gains and build a base for the next step in the struggle.



We must involve ourselves with the populace, if the people win some measure of self-government and decentralization, we should be there, pushing these measures to the full. If the revolutionary government encourages coops, we should form them or join them, making sure they are autonomous and democratic. Should reactionaries attempt to re-establish their rule through a coup, electoral fraud or invasion, we must be at the forefront of the resistance, not as government lackeys, but as supporters of the popular movements the reactionaries will destroy if they regain power. Our slogan should not be “Defend our Government”, but “Defend the People ... our Neighborhoods, Trade Unions, Cooperatives etc.” At no time must we ally with reaction, even verbally, no matter what our differences with the progressive government.



This article also appears in Anarkismo See

http://www.anarkismo.net/article/12265

1. During the campaign to overthrow Allende, the CIA funded a strike of truck drivers. The sectarians of the day crowed about the strike as an example of "class struggle" against the wicked Allende reformists.

It's Time to Democratize Banks

The time has arrived for public takeover of major US banks. The corporate model of banking has led to irresponsible investments, lavish executive gains, further bank consolidations, and, in part, to home foreclosures that have ravished communities.

An increasing number of economists, including Nobel laureates Joseph Stiglitz and Paul Krugman, are calling for at least a temporary public takeover of the largest banks.

More tax dollars to bailout insolvent banks will only benefit shareholders and executives – widening the gap between the very rich and everyone else. Congress should protect taxpayers by opposing any further bailouts.

The FDIC has in the past taken over insolvent banks, wiped out debts, and placed them back on the market. The only difference now is scale.

Congress should also create financial incentives for worker ownership of banks returned to the market. Worker-owned cooperatives exist in every state and all over the world – including banks. Cooperative businesses in general are more transparent, democratic, and responsible.

Credit unions are one form of financial cooperatives. They serve their local communities, not stockholders who may live in another state or country. They are responsible to their owner-members who are also their customers. The do not engage is wild speculative investments.

The time has arrived to democratize banks.

Self-Management in Cuba? Part 3

Worker Coops



There is something missing from the statements of both Pedro Campos, the proponent of worker coops, and Jorge Martin of the IMT criticism of this option. Campos states that workers in these coops would not get wages but an equitable sharing of the profits. Martin points out that this would led to extreme inequality and competition.



What is the prime function of a cooperative or mutualist organization of any type? It's prime function is to create a product or perform a service – the production of use values, not to amass profits as with a capitalist company. A cooperative eliminates the exploiter, and what profits are made are certainly divided up among the members, but maximizing profit is not the real reason for the cooperatives. Take but one example – a coop store. People join to get good products at a lower price, and also because it keeps wealth circulating in the community rather than being sucked out of it like a capitalist corporation. They also belong because they like the idea of having a say in what the store does, which they would not have with a capitalist institution. Once a year they might receive a small cheque, their share of the store's profits, but this is hardly the reason for their membership.

Marketing coops like for dairy and grains exist to prevent cut-throat competition among farmers, smooth out the market vagaries, eliminate parasitic middlemen and of course, sell the farmer's harvest.



All the worker coops I am familiar with pay wages. The function of worker coops is two-fold; to create a product and to provide jobs for the members. Like with the other coops, the dividend at the end of the year is not its raison d'etre. (2) Sharing out the profits rather than paying wages is more like a capitalist business partnership than any worker coop I am familiar with.



Mutualists and cooperators were aware of the problems of competition and inequality a 150 years ago and found remedies for these problems. Rather than having worker coops ruthlessly competing with each other, driving members into bankruptcy or forcing workers to self-exploit, the coops can associate, just like the farmers in the example above. Indeed, the main function of the worker coop federation ought to be one of solidarity and mutual aid among members. (And from the examples I know, these are among their main functions)



Martin suggests that Campos' worker coops, could through competition and an emphasis on profit taking, evolve back into capitalist companies. Maybe so with the Campos version. But here in Canada we have coops that are more than 100 years old, and they still function as coops - in spite of having to endure an economic environment where the cooperative and non-profit sector is only about 5% of the economy. While it is true, they have adopted many capitalist aspects (1) the core cooperative values are still there - primacy of use values, democracy, localism, and federation. And by being democratic, rather than authoritarian institutions like capitalist companies, these conservative policies can be changed by a simple vote at the annual general meeting, were the members to chose to do so.



I would suggest that Campos consider the creation of worker coops as they have been done elsewhere – de-emphasizing profit-taking and competition, emphasizing solidarity, mutual aid and association - and this would go a good way to eliminate the potential problems that Martin foresees.



Martin, of course, prefers a planned economy, but not a bureaucratic top-down one, rather a democratic bottom-up version. But I would suggest that the existence of a genuine worker coop sector in the small-medium layer of the economy does not preclude planning and organization. (Existing cooperative federations already engage in both.) It is not an either-or situation. Planning and association are not ideals to be imposed no matter what, they are there to improve the economy and the situation of those who do the work in that economy. If planning and association improve the lot of the workers in the cooperative sector, those workers will eagerly embrace it.

1.A number of credit union branches have had strikes in the past decade. See also

http://www.counterpunch.org/nader02232009.html

2. What is a Worker Co-op?

Worker co-ops are cooperative enterprises that are owned and democratically controlled by the employees... The main purpose of a worker co-op is to provide employment for its members... Members combine their skills, interests and experiences to achieve mutual goals, such as creating jobs for themselves, providing a community service or increasing democracy in the workplace. Taken from; http://www.canadianworker.coop/english/index_e.html

Self-management in Cuba? Part 2.

During the last few decades we have seen the greatest expropriation take place in history, barring the conquest of the Americas. Trillions of dollars worth of ostensibly public property, bought with tax money, sweat, and in the case of the USSR with the lives of millions, has been given away to trans-national corporations or the friends of politicians. The politicians were able to do this because the state owned these properties, and in the same way I am free to sell my house because I hold title to it, the government can do the same. This is the great failure of state socialism, what the state gives, it can also take away. All that has to happen is a change in government policy. Seemingly, the leaders of the social democratic and communist parties never saw this as a possibility. (1)

Here lies the greatest danger for the Cuban people. A group might arise within the government which decides to give away the store, like has happened in the rest of the world. This is vastly more of a threat than the prospect of a worker coop system evolving back into capitalism, but more on that later. Now here is a very important point – what the state does not own it cannot give away. State ownership plus worker-management, though it makes it more difficult for the capitalists, does not eliminate the problem of “privatization”. As long as title lies with government, a give-away is possible. If the Cuban government were to give legal title directly to the people, no “privatizations” would ever be possible. In other words, create a form of public or national ownership that is not governmental.

“Public ownership that is not governmental, how can that be?” you ask. Well, I have good news for you, this concept was invented 90 years ago by the French syndicalist union, the CGT. The syndicalists realized that the French economy had changed radically in the 20th Century and that the old Proudhonist slogan “the mine for the miners” no longer applied in many cases. Huge industries such as railways, electrical power, steel mills made more sense owned and run on a national basis. They rejected state ownership fearing the growth of bureaucracy and a loss of workers democracy, and so invented non-statist nationalization. (2)

It worked this way. Every nationalized industry would become its own entity. It would be overseen by an elected board of directors of 18 members comprising 6 worker representatives, 6 consumer reps (included the coop federation and consumer association) and 6 government reps – 2 from the central government, 2 from the departements and 2 from the communes. All nationalized industries were to be unionized and under worker management. It goes without saying that such industries would be next to impossible to “privatize.” Furthermore, all the nationalized industries were to have belonged to a planning council, along with other economic actors such as the coops and trade unions.

I am not suggesting the Cubans should adopt this model verbatum, but something along these lines would provide both work place democracy and avoid the possibility of capitalist restoration.

Next posting – mutualism and worker coops

1, I suspect the social democrats for their belief that the class struggle had been tamed and the CP out of faith in a supposed linear evolution of society.
2. This was actually the suggestion of the French Cooperative Movement, but the CGT adopted it as policy.

Self-management In Cuba?

A debate is going on within the Cuban Communist Party as to the future direction of the country. One faction around Raul Castro wants a China option, basically opening the country to corporate pillage under the guise of developing socialism. Two opposing currents think differently. Mutualism is proposed by Pedro Campos (1) and worker-managed nationally owned industries by Camila Piñeiro Harnecker. (2) The following is a selection from an article by the International Marxist Tendency on the future of Cuba. They are quite critical of the Mutualist option, and are favorable to Camilia Harnecker's position. I will add my own comments in the next posting.



"As part of this debate on the renewal of Cuban socialism, some have proposed the idea of self-management as a way forward. Pedro Campos and others have signed a document in which they raise 13 programmatic measures as part of the debate towards the IV Party Congress that will take place later on this year. Without doubt, the document raises a number of interesting proposals, including the formation of “workers’ councils in all workplaces”. It is clear that Pedro Campos is deeply worried about the problems the Cuban economy is facing and is trying to find solutions which imply the full participation of the workers in the management of the economy and the decision making process at all levels. On this, we agree.



However, we think that the main idea of the document is not only wrong but also very dangerous. Basically, it proposes that in small and medium-sized enterprises “the property over the means of production would be given directly to workers in full, either through sale, paid up front or on credit, or transferred by the State”, and that the “companies of national or strategic interest” would be “co-managed between the State and the Workers’ Collective, where ownership and administration could or could not be shared by the relevant State body, handed over partially or completely as a lease or in usufruct to the workers”. In all these companies, “the form of payment of wages” would be replaced by “the equitable sharing out of part of the profits”.



This means that ownership of companies would be handed over to the workers who work in them and they, instead of receiving wages would share out any profits. This system which is being proposed is very similar to the “socialist self-management” which was implemented in Yugoslavia and which led to the economic collapse of that country and later on to its break up. This type of ownership and sharing out of profits inevitably generates an outlook which is not a collective one, but rather individual of each group of workers in each company. If there were, for instance, two transport companies in the same city, the workers in each one of them would be pushed to compete with the workers in the other in order to get higher profits to share out (this is exactly what happened in Yugoslavia)....



The fact that workers’ wages would be linked to profits would reproduce all the problems that co-operatives face in a capitalist economy. The workers would be forced to exploit themselves further in order to get enough profits to share out, or in order to get more profits than the workers in other companies they compete with, through longer hours, higher intensity of labour, leaving to one side health and safety considerations, etc. We understand that in the system proposed by Campos there would be competition since he says that: “the state monopoly controls in the domestic market which currently exist, would have to disappear and give way to commercial activity”.



In reality, self-management with a market, inevitably leads to capitalism, and it is not very different from the proposals of those who are pushing for market measures, material incentives and the privatisation of small and medium sized enterprises, which we have analysed earlier. Far from liberating the workers, this programme would turn them into capitalists.

Camila Piñeiro Harnecker has criticised both those who defend market mechanisms to stimulate production, and those who, like Pedro Campos, propose that the workers should be the direct owners of the companies in which they work. In an interesting article published in Temas magazine, Camila Piñeiro argues that: “the participation of the workers in the management of the companies would not only contribute to their full development, but also would be an important source of motivation." "

1.http://www.kaosenlared.net/noticia/cuba-necesita-socialismo-participativo-democratico-propuestas-programa

2. http://www.nodo50.org/cubasigloXXI/politica/pineiro_310108.pdf

Vision of Hope on Economic Systems

February 9, 2009
Vision of Hope Speaker Series, Xavier University

It’s impossible to explore economics, economic systems, and a vision for an inclusive economy in a vacuum. Economics is not a silo but rather a web with vast interconnections

We live in a time of immense crisis - multiple crises which together threaten not only our economy, but society and like support system itself.

We also live in a time of immense opportunity with vast possibilities for improvement of the human condition and a more right relationship between human beings and the rest of the natural world.

The crises and opportunities are at their root more than any single or even multiple issues. It involves the prevailing economic myth, what others might call the dominant paradigm, still others the accepted story, while still others the major framework.

Whatever you’re preferred term (I’ll use framework), it’s the one that says economic growth is good and more growth is better because it means more stuff is created which we can consume -- which is the definition of self-worth and meaning since, as Madison avenue says “You are what you drive.”

“Endless more” is the major economic goal.

Another element of the dominant framework is the belief that econometric, macro/micro, monetary/fiscal, inflation/deflation, the federal reserve, fiat currency, the GDP, and other economic stuff is so incredibly complicated that only a select few can understand it all -- only the paternalistic and benevolent economic sages. Economics is treated as a virtual branch of physics because we’re told the economy seems to operate by forces beyond human control via “the Market,” the “Invisible Hand,” or some other cosmic force akin to gravity. Government should have little or any regulatory or controlling role because to try to tinker with natural forces is inefficient or impossible – similar to trying to regulate the tides or the sunset.

Well, it turns out the uncontrolled and unregulated economic tides have created a global economic and ecological tsunami that has washed away jobs, companies, pensions, home values, security, and a good deal of the ozone. That’s the negative. The positive is that the economic crisis has exposed the inherent failure of the dominant economic framework – an economic system one that has become increasingly detached from serving the interests of people, our communities, and the earth’s caring capacities.

The economic paragons who we were told to entrust all power and authority pursued their own interests at the expense of everyone else and the planet. The Invisible Hand was actually a clenched fist that landed in the midsection of the middle class and poor. The Market it turns out is incapable of addressing serious environmental problems.

Fashioning an economy for all, an inclusive economy, must begin not with an economic prescription but a political one, actually a human prescription. The basic principle should be this: people must have a right to decide issues that affect their lives, their communities, their environment. People must possess the right to decide.

Under our current economic system, this is for the most part not possible. Economic decisions are considered private decisions – even those made by transnational business corporations – top down economic institutions with the power to determine the fates of millions of workers and communities and where the Bill of Rights have no relevance.

The most important sector of the economy to address is the financial sector. The power to coin and distribute money is at the root of all others. Banks and other financial institutions have long been deemed as potential threats to self-governance – from Revolutionary times through the Populists of the 1870’s-1890’s to the present.

In an 1802 letter to his Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin, President Thomas Jefferson reflected:
I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies. If the American people ever allow private banks to control the issue of their currency, first by inflation, then by deflation, the banks and corporations that will grow up around [the banks] will deprive the people of all property until their children wake-up homeless on the continent their fathers conquered. The issuing power should be taken from the banks and restored to the people, to whom it properly belongs.

My vision of hope in constructing an inclusive economy…and inclusive government, thus, is focused on financial institutitions.

I’ve developed a 10 point plan – the first 5 focused on the financial sector, the 2nd 5 on related issues.

1. Hold those responsible for the current crisis responsible – both individuals and companies. Bank CEO’s and other officers who have used bank bailout money for lavish bonuses or golden parachutes should be jailed and funds returned. Banking corporations that have misused bank funds for CEO buyout or bank acquisitions should be forced to return taypayer funds. Companies responsible for the home foreclosure crisis should have their corporate charters revoked and reorganized. This would serve as an important deterrent of future abuse.

2. It’s time to democratize banks. Bailing out banks simply because they’re too big to fail means their too big to exist. More bailout funds, as economist and Nobel Prize laureate Joseph Stiglitz says in a recent article calling for government take over of banks, would simply waste hundreds of billions of dollars and not solve the credit crisis. Banks would simply further consolidate with the few that remain more politically and economically powerful. Democratizing banks would mean bank investors would lose out. It would also mean money could finally be directed to help those facing home foreclosures.

3. Democratize issuance of currency by making the Federal Reserve a total public entity – a 4th branch of the government with checks and balance of issuing money decided by Congress – as many are suggesting. It’s absurd to permit a entity that is partially private to determine our nation’s money supply.

4. Fundamentally restructure the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. It’s time to abolish odios debt of underdeveloped nations who in most cases long ago paid back the principle of their original loan with hefty interest. End the Structural Adjustment Program which link loans to gutting a nation’s economic sovereignty. Focus on micro loans promoting sustainability and decentralization.

5. Fund a new federal program that provides financial and technical incentives to democratize banks and corporations via cooperatives. Other nation’s have hundreds, if not thousands, of economic cooperatives that supply everything from manufacturing to banking. They are democratically run. It’s time for our nation to provide major incentives for that here.

6. Abolish corporate personhood. The notion that business corporations can possess Bill of Rights and other constitutional protections must cease. Corporate rights threatens the economic health of communities but also what is little left of our democracy.

7. Reverse Buckley v Valeo, the 1976 Supreme Court decision equating money with free speech. Money isn’t speech. It’s property. When invested in politics, money from the wealthy drowns out the voices of those without money. The ever-widening income and wealth gap, perpetuated by government policies, will never be narrowed unless the political power of the wealthy is minimized. Reserving Buckley is an important step in this direction.

8. Keep public assets public. It seems every public asset has at one point or another been targeted for sale at the municipal, state and federal government. Privatization/corporation of public assets reduces public control. Keeping public assets public is the surest way to maximize transparency and responsibility of workers and directors who are unable to hide behind the legal shield erected by corporations in the name of protecting “trade secrets” or “propriety information.”

9. Develop new measurements of well being. The Growth Domestic Product (GDP) merely measures economic growth – be it good or bad. Building a needed house or a unneeded nuclear bomb factory both add to the GDP. We need a different economic ruler – one that measures not just economic advancements but also quality of life which involves more than mere economics – such as happiness.

10. Replace the “endless more” growth economic model with a sustainable and just model based on tenants of respect, dignity, equity, democracy, cooperation, and meeting basic physical needs, not insatiable wants. This involves two tracks. We need macro economic institutions and policies (some of which mentioned earlier) along with programs like social security, environmental protections, green technologies, minimum wage, and labor regulations. We also need micro economic alternatives (i.e. cooperatives, land trusts, local currencies, community supported agriculture, participatory budgeting).


It is time for us to take charge of our economy. It is complicated but we can not be intimated. We can demystify and demythologize it. There are people who are working on popular economics. We the People have in the past come together in powerful social movements to educate ourselves and then take action on nuclear power, nuclear weapons/war, the wars in Central America and Iraq, and numerous environmental problems. Each time we were told: “leave it to the experts,” or “they know best.” Each time we educated ourselves and came to know enough to know what we were being told was not true and was against the interests of the vast majority of our fellow citizens.

When it comes to economics, we all have PhDs in what it’s like to live through what is arguably the most severe economic crisis in the history of this nation outside of the great depression.

At its core, we must remember that economics is about morals and values -- not pie charts, graphs, percentiles, or trends. It’s not a cosmic force. Virtually everything that has, is and will happen is due to conscious and willful decisions made by human beings – often times who are accountable and responsible to few if any others. That’s the problem. Others making decisions for us.

Shouldn’t we have the power and authority to make decisions affecting our lives and communties? Real democracy. Real participation. Real inclusion. And real soon.

Proposed Bank Bailout: Part II/More Calls to Democratize Banks

Treasury secretary Timothy Geithner’s bank bailout proposal announced today is more similar than different to Hank Paulson’s bank bailout plan — based on the sketchy details presented. It protects banks and stockholders at the expense of taxpayers and citizens. Big bank CEO’s have convincingly demonstrated their incompetence at doing anything other than helping themselves to taxpayer bailout money. Banking corporations, on the other hand, showed their mastery of buying up other banks and shored up their bottom lines using taxpayer bailout money.

Under the new Treasury proposal banks and bank CEOs will receive more money from you and me. However the proposal “stop[s] short of ordering banks to issue new loans or requiring them to account in detail for the federal money,” as reported by the New York Times (link below).

No need to account in detail for the federal money. Are they serious? Call it Blank Check Bank Bailout II.

More people are wising up to democratize banks on economic grounds, including economist Dean Baker, co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research (link below). Democratizing banks can save money and address home foreclosures.

Absent from either article is the rationale to control banks on democratic grounds. Ever-growing financial institutions have corrupted politics through political campaign contributions/investments, lobbying, the writing of laws, and political implications to workers and communities of controlling credit.

We need to call on our Representatives and Senators to democratize banks.


http://www.nytimes.com/glogin?URI=http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/11/business/economy/11bailout.html&OQ=_rQ3D1Q26refQ3Dtodayspaper&OP=1beb1d36Q2FQ3B7nQ5DQ3BQ2A-Q60oQ7B--uUQ3BUQ20Q20Q23Q3BQ20UQ3BQ27Q27Q3BQ5DzoPQ5BnooQ3BnQ60-Q5B-_IQ3BQ27Q27Q5DWPb-zuQ25Q24u_b
Bailout Plan: $2.5 Trillion and a Strong U.S. Hand
By EDMUND L. ANDREWS and STEPHEN LABATON
Published: February 11, 2009

http://www.alternet.org/workplace/126354/geithner%27s_folly%3A_the_bank_rescue_plan_is_a_disaster_in_the_making/
Geithner's Folly: The Bank Rescue Plan Is a Disaster in the Making
By Brad Reed, AlterNet. Posted February 11, 2009.

Whistleblowers And Management

[We] find that whistleblowers start out expecting a constructive or at least modest organizational response to their disclosures. In our interviews whistleblowers told us time and again that they started out believing that because they were valued and respected employees, their information presented to the "higher-ups" would be taken seriously and would be the catalyst for the constructive organizational change they sought. As a result few were prepared for what was about to happen to them...



...the full resources of the organization will be brought to bear against them... In cases we studied... management immediately fired the individual, or if that was not possible, then they set up the process by which they could later be fired, by abruptly downgrading their job performance. When claims of "incompetence" could not be sustained, they would endeavor to get the whistleblower labeled "crazy"... "out of their mind" or a "paranoid schizophrenic."... management reprisals begin as soon as management becomes aware that the individual might become a whistleblower. (1)



Now isn't this exactly the process that happened to Kevin Annett when he exposed the genocidal practices at the Alberni Residential School? He thought the United Church officials would deal with the issue but was told to shut up. When he refused to keep quiet was fired and his sanity questioned. From the above quote, we see this to be a normal process that happens to whistleblowers. For any readers taken in by Church propaganda about Kevin – read the above quote and think again! See:

http://www.hiddenfromhistory.org/

1. Joyce Rothchild and Terance D. Miethe, "Whistleblowing as Resistance in Modern Work Organizations..." in A. Baum and J. E. Singer eds "Advances in Environmental Psychology" pp 264-266 as quoted in Kevin Carson "Organizational Theory – A Libertarian Perspective" p.255 (For Carson's work see;

http://members.tripod.com/kevin_carson/

Stopping foreclosures by turning the tables on corporations

Many people subjected to home foreclosures are using a new strategy — going nowhere. They’re demanding that the original home loan contract be produced — the very note that in the frenzy to make as much money as possible by banks on home loans was often sliced, diced, repackaged and resold by one bank to another...then to another...then to another...

Toledo area Congressperson Marcy Kaptur has vocally called for staying put and demanding banks produce the original paperwork.
http://www.brasschecktv.com/page/550.html

What’s interesting about this approach is that it turns the tables at least to some degree on the corporate crowd hiding behind contract law.

It was the corporate crowd who first professed that corporations had “rights” in 1819 in Dartmouth College vs Woodward by claiming that a corporate charter was a “contract” -- making it difficult for governments to control corpses since contracts were sacred agreements between two equal parties.

Well, what happens when one party to a housing loan contract (the bank) can’t produce the original contract to the homeowner or it’s unclear who actually owns the loan? Shouldn’t the contract be null and void?

Many people believe so.

This shouldn’t be the only approach to go after financial institutions for their scandalous predatory loan practices (not to mention public officials who’ve refused to demand bailout money be used foremost to address the foreclosure crisis), but it is one approach.